Jailing the homeless: New data shed light on unhoused people in local jails

Our analysis of Jail Data Initiative data confirms the troubling practice of shuffling unhoused people into jails, at enormous moral and fiscal cost.

by Leah Wang, February 11, 2025

Local jails, which hold one out of every three people behind bars, have become America’s misguided answer to problems faced by the most vulnerable people, like poverty and homelessness. Despite jails’ central role in mass incarceration, comprehensive national data about the 5.6 million people who cycle through them each year is collected infrequently, leaving even basic questions about jails unanswerable.¹ Fortunately for researchers, advocates, journalists and many others, the Jail Data Initiative is collecting present-day data from roughly 900 jails to provide a better understanding of those who are criminalized and locked up, including the approximately 205,000 unhoused people who are booked into jails each year.

In this briefing, we present what we know about unhoused people who are booked into jails, using the best available dataset, collected from jail rosters² by the Jail Data Initiative (JDI). (Last year we published our first analysis of JDI data, focused on repeat bookings; we intend to publish additional analyses this year.) We find that people booked into jail who were marked as unhoused at intake are held for longer than average, while being handed some of the lowest-level charges like trespassing or petty theft.

As we’ll explain, the data have limitations, and some jails are simply not collecting important demographic data such as housing status. But we know that jurisdictions have grown increasingly hostile toward people with nowhere to call home: Instead of extending a helping hand to people simply trying to rest, eat, or otherwise survive, local law enforcement is handing them a criminal record and further destabilizing their lives.

Key findings

Only 20% of the jail rosters in the full dataset (175 of 889) contained one or more entries indicating an unhoused person, but the data from those jails suggest that cities and counties are turning to their jails to address behaviors that unhoused people often engage in because they are unhoused and/or poor.

Note: When referring to “unhoused people,” we mean those who are known to us to be unhoused, based on the jail roster data; everyone else may or may not have housing, but it’s unknown. As such, we also don’t know about people entering jails who are facing housing insecurity. For more information on our process, see our methodology section.

• About 4.5% of jail bookings in our sample are of unhoused people: Across the 175 jail rosters in our dataset, there were 22,839 bookings of people known to be unhoused, out of 503,571 total bookings over the course of one year. These bookings represent over 15,000 unique unhoused individuals (and about 406,000 people whose housing status was unknown, or who were housed, before their admission to jail.) This translates to about 205,000 different unhoused people going to jails each year nationwide — nearly one-third of the number of people experiencing homelessness on a single night in 2023.³

• Unhoused people are more likely to be booked multiple times: More than one out of every five jailed people are booked again within a year. Unhoused people made up a disproportionate share of those rebooked, representing 4% of all unique jail bookings but 8% of those rebooked. Said another way, over 40% of unhoused people booked into jail were booked multiple times, while only 20% of people who were housed or had an unknown housing status were booked multiple times. This finding affirms many observations of ineffective targeting and sweeps of homeless populations.
• Unhoused people are held in jails for longer than average: The overall average stay in jails whose rosters included at least one unhoused person was 21 days, but for unhoused individuals was 32 days — almost 50% longer. We also looked at median length of stay, because the average could be skewed by very long or very short jail stays. The median length of stay for all bookings in this sample was 4 days, but for unhoused individuals was 14 days — which is 2.5 times longer. Our analysis didn’t include bond (bail) amounts, but it’s safe to assume that unaffordable cash bail is keeping many unhoused people in jails longer than those who can afford it.
• People aged 55 and older make up a disproportionate share of bookings of unhoused people: About 10% of all jail bookings in our sample were older people (those age 55 or older), but 15% of bookings of unhoused people were older people. It’s important to note that older adults are more likely to spend 50% or more of their income on rent compared to people in other age groups, making them severely housing-cost-burdened and closer to housing insecurity or homelessness.

• The mass jailing of unhoused people overburdens Black people: While Black people accounted for 31% of all bookings, they accounted for 40% of all bookings of unhoused people. Meanwhile, white people made up 62% of all bookings but only 55% of all bookings of unhoused people. Similarly, people of color are overrepresented in the unhoused and severely housing-cost-burdened populations.
• Unhoused people face a litany of unfair criminal charges simply because they’re unhoused: In general, most people are jailed on public order, property, or drug charges, but bookings of unhoused people made up a disproportionately large share (8%) of bookings where the most serious charge was a property charge, and a slightly greater-than-expected portion (4.8%) of bookings for which the most serious charge was a drug charge. Unhoused people were most commonly booked for a top charge of trespassing — a charge frequently used to criminalize people for having nowhere else to go. They were also more commonly booked for possession of amphetamines, disorderly conduct/drunkenness, and petty theft (of less than $500) compared to all jail bookings in our sample. In contrast, bookings of unhoused people made up disproportionately small shares of bookings where the top charge was “violent” (3%), or related to DUI (<1%) or criminal traffic (2.1%) offenses.

Inconsistent data collection in jails leaves gaps in understanding

Although the data suggest that U.S. cities and counties are unnecessarily and excessively jailing unhoused people, 4% of jail bookings is a significant underestimate of unhoused people in local jails. Our methodology relies on positively identifying people as unhoused, but many more unhoused people may have chosen to list a shelter address, a family member’s address, or another location as their address when they were booked into jail.

And clearly, housing and other demographic data are not consistently collected by jail jurisdictions. While jail rosters are by no means a traditional source of data, it’s telling that only 20% of the nearly 900 rosters in the Jail Data Initiative’s sample recorded even a single person as unhoused during the yearlong study period. Smaller jails, in particular, were underrepresented in our dataset and may be less likely to record housing status information: Jails with an average daily population of less than 100 people made up 26% of our dataset, but make up 54% of jails across the U.S.

Criminalization will never solve homelessness

While not the complete picture of jails that we all wish for, the Jail Data Initiative data provide the best and most recent look at our national reliance on jails for addressing the ongoing crisis of homelessness. Our analysis reveals that unhoused people in jails are kept there for longer, are more likely to be booked multiple times, and are disproportionately Black. In total, over 200,000 unhoused people are coming in contact each year with law enforcement agents who are supposed to be keeping them safe, but the thinly veiled case for bringing them to jail only exacerbates their homelessness⁴ and despair.

There may be reports of unhoused people “choosing” to go to jail over sleeping in the streets, suggesting that jail is an acceptable solution. But it’s been shown time and time again that providing housing, services, and treatment instead of jail incarceration is more sustainable, a huge relief for taxpayers, and much less harmful to individuals. This is where diversion programs and permanent supportive housing can be utilized, before someone is arrested — better yet, before any police encounter.